Choosing a Career:
Labor Market Inequalities in
the New Jersey Labor Market
EXECUTIVE SUMMARY
The ways that male and female workers choose occupations is
a complicated, life-long process. At
various life points, different factors such as the influence of family and
peers, education, and job characteristics may be factors in occupational
decisions. This report attempts to
measure these factors in the New Jersey
workforce and how they vary by gender. The report is a joint project of the
Center for Women and Work and the John
J. Heldrich Center
at Rutgers University.
The primary source of information for the report is a survey of 1,104 adult workers
in New Jersey, conducted in May
and June 2002, about various factors influencing their career choice.
Influence of High School Classes
Much research has found that the experiences that
individuals have in educational classes has an impact on their future
occupational choices. This impact tends
to be most significant in gender nontraditional classes, such as science and
math classes tailored for women.
Researchers have demonstrated that the experiences women have in these
courses are an important determinant regarding whether to pursue careers in
science and technology. In our sample
53% of men and 39% of women reported that they took general advanced math, and
82% of men and 80% of women took science classes in high school. Among those respondents who took advanced
math classes or science courses, males were more likely than females to
indicate that the classes increased their interest in science, math, and
technology careers. While females were more likely to indicate that the classes
had no influence on their interest in science, math, and technology careers.
Of the 45% of these workers who took advanced math classes
in high school (e.g. trigonometry, pre-calculus, calculus or statistics), 45%
report that the class increased their interest in science, math, and technology
careers. Men are much more likely than women to say the classes increased their
interest. More than half (55%) of men indicate that the advanced math classes
they took in high school increased their interest in science and math careers,
while only 38% of women indicate that math classes increased their interest
In contrast, female respondents were more likely to say math
courses had no influence than males. Over half (51%) of females said that
advanced math classes in high school did not influence their interest in
science careers, where as 37% of males said advanced math classes had no
influence on their interests.
Table 1. The
Influence of High School Math and Science Classes
on Respondent’s
Interest in Science Careers
Of those respondents who indicated that math classes
increased their interest in science careers, 30% ended up working in
engineering, computer or finance occupations. However males were more likely
than females to be working in science careers. Approximately 40% of males who
said that their math classes increased their interest in science careers were
employed in an engineering, computer or finance, while only 16% of females who
expressed similar interest were employed in such careers. Similar trends
occurred with those who indicated that science classes increased their interest
in science careers.
Influence of Peers and Family
Researchers have also identified many factors in the home
environment that can influence individuals’ perceptions of appropriate
occupations. There is much evidence to
show that through differential reinforcement by parents, and other adults;
imitations of observed behaviors; and role modeling, young children are taught
to engage in gender appropriate behaviors and pursue gender appropriate
academic subjects and occupations.
Studies have also found levels of support for the role of parents,
especially the same sex parent, in occupational choices. When asked about those individuals who
encouraged them to pursue their current line of work, 23% of workers say that
someone currently employed in this line of work encouraged them, and 24% say
their friends encouraged them. Family
members also were influential, with 18% identifying their mother as a source of
encouragement and 17% naming their father as a source of encouragement.
Approximately 18% cite other relatives. Only 14% say they received
encouragement from their spouse, and even fewer identify a teacher/counselor or
mentor (10% and 6%, respectively).
However, more than one-third (36%) of workers say that none of the above
encouraged their decision to pursue their current line of work.
When asked who of these individuals encouraged them the
most, people are most likely to say their mother or spouse/partner (24% and
14%, respectively). Women are more likely than men to say that their mother
encouraged them the most (28% and 17%, respectively), while men are more likely
than women to say that their father encouraged them the most (20% and 9%,
respectively).
Influence of Job Characteristics
In addition to educational and gender socialization, many
factors regarding the characteristics of the job itself influence men and
women’s decisions to enter certain occupations.
For example, for women, the ability to have control over one’s work so
that one can integrate work and family demands has been found to be an
important aspect in choosing a job. In
our survey we found that not only is the ability to successfully integrate work
and family demands an important determinant of occupational choice, but a wide
range of factors influence both men and women’s choices.
In thinking about the characteristics of their job,
different factors affected workers’ decision to enter their current
profession. Respondents are most likely
to cite interest in the line of work as a major influence, with nearly
two-thirds (63%) of workers saying it had a great deal of influence and 24%
saying it had a moderate influence. Similar percentages of men and women
indicated that their interest in the line of work had a great deal of influence
of their career choice (64% vs. 63%). Less than 10% of all respondents say it
had little or no influence (5% and 6%, respectively).
Among workers, 42% say that they were influenced a great
deal by their ability to balance work and personal life, while 32% cite it is a
moderate influence. For women, the ability to balance work and personal life is
a significant influence on their career decisions. Nearly half (48%) of women say the ability to
balance work and family influenced them a great deal, compared to 34% of men.
Challenging tasks are also influential, with 47% of
respondents citing this as having a great deal of impact on their decision.
Nearly one-third (32%) cite it as having a moderate influence, compared to the
only 8% who say it had only a little influence and 16% who say the challenge of
the tasks had no influence on their career decision. Men were slightly more likely than women to
indicate that the challenging tasks of a job greatly influenced their career
choice, with 50% of men citing challenging tasks as having a great deal of
impact, compared to 44% of women.
Figure 1. How Job Characteristics Affect Workers’ Decision to Enter Current
Job
Approximately, 42% say that pay and benefits affected their
decision a great deal and 31% say it had a moderate influence. In stark contrast, only 11% of workers say
pay and benefits had only a little influence, and 16% say it had no influence.
There was a slight disparity between men and women’s responses with regard to
pay and benefits. Approximately 46% of men and 40% of women indicated that pay
and benefits affected their career decision a great deal.
The opportunity to help people is also a factor for many
workers, and 40% say it had a great deal of influence on their decision,
although 26% say it had no influence. Women are more likely than men to say the
opportunity to help those in need influenced them a great deal (47% and 31%,
respectively).
Opportunities for Career Advancement
Much research has found that workplace climate and
opportunities to advance are important factors in determining if individuals
will enter and remain in certain occupations.
Many workplace studies have found that when workers face levels of
isolation, marginalization, gender stereotypes and forms of harassment they
tend to perceive that they have less opportunities for advancement. Often times this type of climate is found in
gender typed occupations, such as science and engineering. In these occupations the underrepresented
gender tends to experience obstacles to their advancement. Research has found that one way to improve
workplace climate and increase opportunities for advancement for such
individuals is to encourage mentoring in the workplace. Among our sample an equal number (54%) of men
and women say that there is a person at their job that offers them advice on
ways to advance their career. Additionally, similar numbers of men and women
agree that their job offers them a chance to network with people who give them
advice on career advancement (56% and 59%, respectively). However, women are
more likely than men to agree that personal and family responsibilities are
obstacles to their career advancement. More than one-fourth (28%) of women
agree that personal and family responsibilities make it difficult for them to
advance in their line of work.
Similarly, more men than women agree that there are opportunities for
advancement at their current job. Nearly three-fourths (71%) of men agree that
there are opportunities for advancement at their job, while only 63% of women
say the same.
Figure
2. Opportunities for and Barriers to Advancement at Work, by Gender
The majority (81%) of workers report that discrimination is
not a barrier to success in their job. Another 14% indicate discrimination is a
barrier to success on the job and 5% are unsure. Men are slightly more likely
than women to indicate that discrimination is not a barrier (84% and 79%,
respectively), while women are slightly more likely than men to indicate that
discrimination is a barrier to success on the job (17% and 11%, respectively).
Also African-Americans are more likely than whites or Hispanics to indicate
that discrimination is a barrier to their success on the job, with 29% of
African-Americans indicating that discrimination is a barrier compared to 11%
of white respondents. Approximately 16% if Hispanics indicated that
discrimination is a barrier.
Choosing
A Career:
Labor
Market Inequalities in the New Jersey Labor Market
Prepared by:
The John J. Heldrich Center for
Workforce Development
and
The Center for Women and Work
Introduction
Extensive research demonstrates that gender inequality in
the New Jersey labor market
hampers the state’s economic growth.
Gender inequality can take many forms—unequal access to labor market
rewards (i.e. pay, benefits, and pensions), differential opportunities for
advancement and disproportionate representation of men and women across
occupations—all of which prevent the full utilization of New Jersey’s
workforce. The Center for Women and Work
and the John J.
Heldrich Center
for Workforce Development at Rutgers University
are conducting a comprehensive study of New
Jersey’s workforce to better understand the factors
that produce and sustain gender inequality in the labor market. Specifically, we focus on the extent and
nature of occupational sex segregation in New Jersey,
i.e., the differential distribution of men and women across occupations. Women tend to be disproportionately over
represented in traditionally female-dominated occupations, such as secretaries,
teachers, cashiers and nurses. In
contrast, men tend to be concentrated in occupations that are traditionally
male-dominated, such as engineering, law and construction. Sex segregation is so prevalent that
researchers estimate that 50 % of male and female workers would have to change
occupations to fully integrate the labor market (Padavic
and Reskin, 2002; Jacobs, 1999).
In this study, we focus on occupational sex segregation. Labor market research indicates that
occupational segregation is responsible for a variety of gender based
inequities in the workforce. Most
significantly, male-dominated occupations tend to pay more than female
dominated occupations. Researchers
estimate that 40% of the earnings gap between men and women results from the
segregation of occupations by sex (Petersen and Morgan, 1995; Roos and Gatta, 1999).
In fact, research has found that women who enter nontraditional careers
can expect lifetime earnings of 150% more than women who choose traditionally
female occupations (Gatta, 2001). In
addition to paying more, evidence suggests that predominately male occupations
also tend to offer better health benefits and pension packages, have pathways
for advancement and are more stable than female-dominated occupations
Sex segregation has myriad negative consequences that impact
both individual workers and the economy, as the prevalence of occupational sex
segregation within our labor market stymies the efficient use of current
workers and potential job seekers. The
occupations that experience the greatest degrees of sex-segregation tend to be
the occupations that face severe labor shortages. For example, both the nation as a whole, and New
Jersey specifically, currently is experiencing labor
shortages in science and technology occupations. By 2008, these industries expect to create
5.3 million new jobs, yet experts predict that there will be insufficient numbers
of workers to fill these positions. Not
surprisingly, women are severely under-represented in science and technology
jobs. Women hold only 19% of science,
engineering and technology jobs and only 10% of the highest level information
technology positions (Gatta, 2001).
However, researchers estimate that if the number of women in the
information technology workforce equaled the number of men, the demands for
labor in these jobs could be met (Freeman and Aspray,
1999). Similarly, comparable labor
shortages are prevalent in a number of female-dominated occupations. The nursing industry is currently
experiencing significant shortages of registered nurses, an occupation in which
men comprise only7 % of the labor force.
It is predicted that this shortage will reach crisis levels during this
decade, as 40% of the current nursing workforce is expected to retire by 2010
(Gatta, 2002).
These examples vividly demonstrate how the segregation of
our labor market by sex presents a formidable obstacle to creating and
sustaining New Jersey’s high
quality workforce. As such, it is
essential to understand why sex segregation exists in our labor market, and to
formulate effective programs to combat gender inequities throughout the
workforce system. This study should be
viewed as an initial step in recognizing and understanding this phenomena. In this report, we present an overview of the
current understanding of occupational sex segregation, and then share results
from our original study of New Jersey’s
labor market. Research finds that an
individual’s occupational choice is a function of many factors, including those
social influences that provide incentives and/or disincentives for individuals
to pursue certain occupations and eschew others. This report examines these influences to
understand how they may be patterned along gender lines, and thus help to
produce gender inequality. By
identifying sources of occupational segregation, this report will serve as a
valuable resource for New Jersey
researchers and policy makers as they direct public policy initiatives that
will help to eliminate gender inequality and strengthen the economy.
Section 1: An
Overview of Sex Segregation in the Workplace
An in-depth review of the current research and labor market
analysis focusing on occupational choice and resultant occupational sex
segregation reveals that many factors contribute to the phenomena of
occupational sex segregation. Many of
these factors can be grouped into two main categories: “supply side” and
“demand side” explanations. Supply side
explanations posit that individual characteristics, such as values,
aspirations, qualifications and roles affect women’s occupational choices.
Demand side explanations focus on how the behaviors of employers, such as
preference for a particular sex of worker and subtle discriminatory hiring and
promotion practices, affect the type of workers in an occupation. While both types of explanations contribute
to the overall sex segregation endemic to our labor market, our research focuses
on supply side explanations, specifically on how gender socialization,
attitudes and workplace practices affect the occupational choices of workers.
A large body of literature explores the relationship between
gender socialization and occupational choice, with an emphasis on the formation
of occupational gender roles in children.
This paradigm claims that women and men develop different occupational
perspectives and skill sets based on what is culturally considered appropriate
for each sex. One of the earliest
theories—cognitive development theory—asserts that children go through stages
of awareness and understanding of gender before social experiences influences
them (Kohlberg, 1966). Children first
identify their gender as distinctive from the identity of members of the other
sex. Once they “know” their gender, they
then experience gender stability. In
this stage, they gain awareness that eventually they will become a man or
women. By age seven, children develop
gender consistency. In this stage,
children learn that their gender will not change even though they may engage in
cross-sex behaviors (Helwig, p. 404). However, despite the fact that children learn
that their gender will not change, researchers have found that children
continue to report personal occupational aspirations along stereotypical gender
lines, suggesting the importance of various social influences on occupational
choice. Researchers identify many factors in the home and school environments
that influence individuals’ self perceptions and self esteem (Lent, et al., 1994). Through differential reinforcement by
parents, teachers and other adults; imitations of observed behaviors; and role
modeling, young children are taught to engage in gender appropriate behaviors
and pursue gender appropriate academic subjects and occupations. Numerous studies have found levels of support
for the role of parents, especially the same sex parent, in occupational
choices. In addition, research
demonstrates that the role of teachers’ expectations and opportunities for
science and mathematics courses have an effect on women’s occupational choices,
particularly in regard to nontraditional fields (Gutbezanl,
2001).
Many researchers also argue that beliefs about gender
appropriateness of careers are funneled in other societal venues. The media, for example, has been targeted in
helping to form and reflect societal beliefs about men and women. Researchers find that the mass media tends to
portray male characters as independent, assertive, technical and
responsible. In stark contrast, women
are more likely to be portrayed as emotional, warm, domestic, weak and helpless
(Barbercheck 2001, p. 118). These characterizations then act as
“achievement scripts” for men and women, providing them with gender appropriate
behavior. The American Association of
University Women (AAUW) found that only 12 % of characters found on educational
mathematics software are female (AAUW, 2000).
Further research finds that women featured in computer advertisements
they tend to be depicted as subservient, nurturing, or not using technology in
a productive way (Knupfer, 1998). The message is clear for girls—mathematics
and technology are male fields.
Similarly, much of the language used in nursing manuals refers to the
nurse as “she,” and there are few images of male nurses in books and
magazines. This continues to perpetuate
the belief that nursing is an occupation for women only. These portrayals help to foster stereotypical
beliefs about men and women, which then impacts individuals’ occupational
knowledge and role identification.
While many of the tenets of gender role socialization point
to the importance of early childhood experiences, many important factors of
adulthood also affect occupational choices throughout an individual’s
career. For example, workplace climate
is an important factor in determining if individuals will enter and remain in
certain occupations. Researchers find
that men and women report that they sometimes face isolation and
marginalization when they enter nontraditional occupations for their gender;
they must deal with gender stereotypes and forms of harassment form managers,
colleagues and the general public.
Further, research finds that women mentoring women in the workplace
serves as a positive influence on women choosing occupations, particularly
nontraditional occupations (Phillips and Imhoff
1997). Mentors and role models serve as
a career link, helping to advance women in occupations (Gatta and Trigg,
2001). Experience demonstrates that
mentors and support groups help to increase women’s representation in science,
engineering and technology jobs (Durviver 2000), as
the support groups and mentoring relationships create informal networks that
increase women’s occupational knowledge of nontraditional fields.
In addition to workplace climate issues, research finds that
the ability to integrate work and family demands is a significant factor in
women’s occupational choices. Some
evidence demonstrates that women may choose to enter gender appropriate
occupations after becoming mothers because they find that some traditionally
female occupations have features that allow for easier integration of work and
family (Okamoto and England, 1999). This
may explain why women are twice as likely as men to leave science, engineering
and technology jobs (Gatta, 2001) after a few years, as these jobs are
typically characterized by long work weeks (50-60/week), expectations to work
late hours and a high stress environment.
Research on gender and occupational choice is essential in
understanding sex segregation. The ways
that male and female workers choose occupations is a complicated, life-long
process. At various life points,
different factors may be more paramount than other factors in occupational
decisions. This study attempts to
uncover these factors and to measure how these factors affect sex segregation
and gender inequality in the New Jersey
workforce.
Section 2: Demographics of the Survey Respondents
To assess the extent and nature of occupational sex
segregation in the New Jersey labor
market, we worked with the University of Connecticut Center for Survey Research
and Analysis to conduct a randomized phone survey of New
Jersey workers.
Interviewers called potential respondents on weekday evenings, and were
instructed to survey the person in the household who was 18 years of age or
older, and had the most recent birthday.
The interviews were conducted in May and June of 2002.
In our sample of approximately 1,000 New
Jersey residents, women outnumber men (59% and 41%,
respectively). While the distribution of
men and women in the labor market tends to be more equal, the larger percentage
of women likely is a function of our interviewers calling households in the
early evening, where there may have been a higher probability of surveying
women at that time. To measure the race
of our sample, we used a battery of questions employed by the United States
Bureau of the Census. Among workers, 8%
identified themselves as being Hispanic.
When asked to identify their racial category, the majority (73%) of
respondents identify themselves as white, while only 11% describe themselves as
black and 5% as Asian or Pacific Islander.
Approximately 50% of our sample is 41 years of age or older.
Other demographic variables illustrate the diversity of the
sample. More than half (58%) of
respondents are married, while nearly one-third (29%) are single, and 13% are
divorced, separated or widowed.
Variations also exist across education.
For example, while only 4% of respondents did not complete high school,
25% graduated from high school, 16% have some college experience but no degree,
and 38% hold a college degree. Another 17% have a graduate degree. Similarly, income differences also exist. More than half (53%) of respondents earn
between $20,000 and $59,999 annually.
Approximately 14% report individual incomes of less than $20,000
annually, and 31% earn $60,000 or more a year (see Figure 2.1).
Fig. 2.1: Income Distribution of
Study Sample
Demographic differences between men and women illustrate
some interesting trends. For example, men are more likely than women to say
they are married (63% and 53%, respectively).
Similarly, women are more likely than men to be single (30% and 28%,
respectively), divorced or separated (12% and 7%, respectively), or widowed (4%
and less than 1%, respectively). More
trends are revealed when we examine the wages of respondents who report that
they are the sole wage earner in their household. More than one-third (35%) of women and nearly
half (49%) of men say that they are the sole wage earner. This indicates that
in more than half of all households in the sample, women are contributing to
household income, vividly illustrating the importance of the economic status of
women for many New Jersey
families. It should further be noted
that 50% of men and 64% of women report that they are not the sole wage earners
in their household. This finding clearly
reflects the growth of dual earner households, and suggests the possible
importance of work/family integration issues as both partners tend to work
outside the home.
In looking at individual income, men generally earn more
than women (see Figure 2.2). For
example, men are half as likely as women to earn less than $10,000 annually (3%
and
6%, respectively). In
addition, while 12% of women report income of $10,000 to $29,000 annually, only
4% of men earn similar wages. Men are
more likely than women to earn very high wages.
For example, 15% of men earn between $60,000 and $79,999 annually, while
11 % of women report such incomes. The
greatest income disparities are evidenced at the top income bracket. Nearly one-third (29%) of men report incomes
over $80,000, while only 10% of women earn incomes in that bracket. Our sample then shares many of the economic
characteristics that are evidenced in the labor market. Specially, men tend to have individual
incomes that are higher than women’s incomes.
Fig. 2.2: Income Distribution by
Gender
Finally, men and women in our sample tend to be employed in
sex-typical occupations, indicating the sex-segregation is evident in our
sample (figure 2.3).
Although the total numbers of each occupational cell is small, the general
trends the data evidence mirror national occupational trends. Men continue to dominate the traditionally
male occupations such as construction, finance, engineering and computing and
management. In contrast, female workers
are more likely to be employed in education, training, and library, health, and
office and administrative support occupations.
Fig. 2.3: Occupational Distribution by Gender
|
Occupation
|
Women
|
Men
|
All
|
|
Finance, Engineering, Computer
|
9%
|
22%
|
14%
|
|
Management
|
9%
|
12%
|
11%
|
|
Education, Training, Library
|
13%
|
4%
|
9%
|
|
Health
|
13%
|
2%
|
8%
|
|
Legal and Protective Services
|
4%
|
7%
|
5%
|
|
Office and Administrative Support
|
25%
|
7%
|
18%
|
|
Sales and Consumer Services
|
23%
|
18%
|
21%
|
|
Construction,
Production, Transportation
|
4%
|
27%
|
13%
|
|
Unclassifiable/Other
|
0%
|
1%
|
1%
|
The demographic trends of this sample of New
Jersey workers illustrate the importance of
understanding why sex segregation persists in the New
Jersey labor market.
The following sections detail what factors influence men and women’s
occupational choices.
Section 3: Choosing
a Career: Measuring the Influence of
Family and Peers
Workers and job seekers consider a host of factors when
deciding what career to pursue. In making the decision to enter a particular
line of work, people often are influenced by their family and friends. For example, when asked about those
individuals who encouraged them to pursue their current line of work, 23% of
workers say that someone currently employed in this line of work encouraged
them, while 18% identify their mother and 17% name their father as a source of
encouragement. Similarly, 24% say their
friends encouraged them, while 18% cite their relatives. Only 14% say they received encouragement from
their spouse, and even fewer identify a teacher/counselor or mentor (10% and
6%, respectively). However, more than
one-third (36%) of workers say that none of the above encouraged their decision
to pursue their current line of work.
When asked who of these individuals encouraged them the
most, people are most likely to say their mother or spouse/partner (24% and
14%, respectively). Similarly, 13% say their father or someone currently
employed in their line of work encouraged them the most. Only 12% say it was
friends, while 9% say it was relatives.
Very few cited a teacher/counselor or mentor (7% and 2%, respectively),
while 6% say they all had equal influence (see Figure 3.1).
Fig. 3.1: “Who Encouraged You the
Most?”
Women are more likely than men to say that their mother
encouraged them the most (28% and 17%, respectively), while men are more likely
than women to say that their father encouraged them the most (20% and 9%,
respectively). Men are also slightly more likely than women to say that someone
in their current field of work encouraged them the most (16% and 10%,
respectively).
Fig. 3.2: Parental Influence by
Gender
In contrast, when asked about individuals who discouraged
them from pursuing their current line of work, the majority (85%) indicate that
no one discouraged them. Less than 5% cite a particular influence. Among these
few, 35% say their mother discouraged them, while 15% cite friends or someone
currently in this line of work, respectively. Again, among these few workers,
men are more likely than women to say that their mother discouraged them (40%
and 30%, respectively), while women are more likely than men to say that their
father discouraged them (18% and 9%, respectively).
When asked who first suggested their current line of work,
people are most likely to identify their friends (12%), and nearly as likely to
cite someone currently in this line of work or their mother (11%,
respectively). Only 9% cited their father, and less than 10% cited relatives,
spouses, teachers or mentors. Nearly
half (43%) say that no one first suggested they pursue their current line of
work. Few differences exist between men and women regarding the person who
first suggested they enter their current line of work.
Section 4: Choosing a Career: The Influence of High
School Math & Science Classes
Nearly half (45%) of respondents took an advanced math class
(such as trigonometry, pre-calculus, calculus or statistics) in high
school. Nearly half (45%) of these
workers report that the class increased
their interest in science, math, and technology careers. Men are much more
likely than women to say the classes increased their interest. More than half
(55%) of men indicate that the advanced math classes they took in high school
increased their interest in science and math careers, while only 38% of women
indicate that math classes increased their interest (see Figure 4.1).
Another 44% of respondents say that the classes had no
influence on their interest in science, math and technology careers. Women are
more likely than men to say math courses had no influence. Slightly more than half
(51%) of women report that advanced math classes in high school did not
influence their interest in science careers, compared to 37% of men who say
advanced math classes had no influence on their interests.
Fig. 4.1: The Influence of High
School Math Classes on Respondent’s Interest in Science Careers
Among those who say that their high school math classes
increased their interest in science occupations, men are more likely than women
to have gone on to work in an engineering, computer or finance occupation.
Approximately 40% of men who say that their math classes increased their
interest in science careers are employed in an engineering, computer or finance
occupation, while only 16% of women who expressed similar interest are employed
in engineering, computer or finance occupations.
A substantial majority (80%) of survey respondents took a
science class such as chemistry, biology, or physics in high school. Nearly
half (47%) of these respondents indicate that the science course had no influence
on their interest in science, math and technology careers. In contrast to the
influence of math classes, men and women are almost equally likely to say that
science classes had no influence on their interest in science careers (44% and
49%, respectively) (see Figure 4.2).
Approximately 43% of respondents who took a science class in
high school indicate that the class increased their interest in science, math
and technology careers. Men were somewhat more likely than women to say that
science classes increased their interest in science careers (49% and 41%,
respectively).
Fig. 4.2. The Influence of High School Science Classes on Respondent’s
Interest in Science
Of those respondents who say that their high school science
classes increased their interest in science careers, one-fifth (20%) went on to
work in engineering, computer or finance occupations. This trend varies by gender, with 32% of men
who say that their science classes increased their interest in science careers
employed in an engineering, computer or finance careers, compared to only 9% of
women who express similar interest who are employed in such careers. In
contrast, 17% of women who say that their science classes increased their
interest in science careers are employed as health practitioners and only 3% of
men who express similar interest are employed in such careers.
Not surprisingly, workers in the
finance/engineering/computer fields are the most likely (29%) to say that their
advanced math and science classes increased their interest a great deal in
science, math and technology careers.
Likewise, while workers in all occupations are almost equally likely to
say they took science classes in high school, workers in the health profession
and the finance/engineers/computer fields are most likely to say that these
classes increased their interest in their occupation a great deal (40% and 29%,
respectively).
Section 5: Choosing
a Career: Measuring the Influence of Job
Characteristics
When asked for their main reasons why they chose to enter
their current line of work, people gave answers as varied as their
careers. For example, many people say
they chose to enter their current line of work because they were interested in
it, or it involved something they like to do.
Others cited salary and benefits, and the need to support themselves or
a family. Some workers were attracted to
the flexible hours or non-traditional schedule that would allow them to balance
work and family, while others needed work they could perform without a college
degree. Many say that they just “fell
into” their job, that they needed a job and this was all that was available, or
matched their previous experience, or because they could not find work in their
chosen field. Finally, many respondents cite their desire to help others, or
mention that they enjoy being with the people with or for whom they work.
In thinking about the characteristics of their job,
different factors affected workers’ decision to enter their current
profession. For example, people are most
likely to cite interest in the line of work as a major influence, with nearly
two-thirds (63%) of workers saying it had a great deal of influence and 24%
saying it had a moderate influence. Similar percentages of men and women indicated
that their interest in the line of work had a great deal of influence of their
career choice (64% vs. 63%). Less than 10% of all respondents say it had little
or no influence (5% and 6%, respectively) (see Figure 6.1).
Challenging tasks are also influential, with 47% of
respondents citing this as having a great deal of impact on their decision.
Nearly one-third (32%) cite it as having a moderate influence, compared to the
only 8% who say it had only a little influence and 16% who say the challenge of
the tasks had no influence on their career decision. Men were slightly more likely than women to
indicate that the challenging tasks of a job greatly influenced their career
choice, with 50% of men citing challenging tasks as having a great deal of impact,
compared to 44% of women.
Among workers, 42% say that they were influenced a great
deal by their ability to balance work and personal life, while 32% cite it is a
moderate influence. Similarly, 42% say that pay and benefits affected their
decision a great deal and 31% say it had a moderate influence. In stark contrast, only 11% of workers say
pay and benefits had only a little influence, and 16% say it had no influence.
Not surprisingly, the ability to balance work and personal life is of more concern
to married workers than single workers, with nearly half (46%) of married
workers saying it matters a great deal, compared to 37% of single workers. For women, the ability to balance work and
personal life is a significant influence on their career decisions. Nearly half (48%) of women say the ability to
balance work and family influenced them a great deal, compared to 34% of men.
There was less disparity between men and women’s responses with regard to pay
and benefits. Approximately 46% of men and 40% of women indicated that pay and
benefits affected their career decision a great deal.
The opportunity to help people is also a factor for many
workers, and 40% say it had a great deal of influence on their decision,
although 26% say it had no influence. Women are more likely than men to say the
opportunity to help those in need influenced them a great deal (47% and 31%,
respectively). Opportunities for career
advancement is least likely to be cited as a strong influence, with 38% saying
it influenced their decision a great deal and 32% saying it influenced their
decision a moderate amount. Nearly
one-fifth (18%) say this factor had no influence on their decision. Men were
slightly more likely than women to indicate opportunities for advancement had a
great deal of influence on their career decision (41% vs.36%).
Fig. 5.1: How Job Characteristics
Affect Workers’ Decision to Enter Current Job
Race plays a significant role in determining what workers
feel is important about a job. For
example, African-American workers are more likely than white workers to say
that pay and benefits matter a great deal (56% and 38%, respectively), and are
also more likely than whites to say that the opportunity to help those in need
influenced their choice of work (56% and 38%, respectively). Similarly, workers of Hispanic origin are
more likely than non-Hispanic workers to say the same (48% and 40%,
respectively). Finally,
African-Americans are more likely than whites to be influenced by opportunities
for career advancement (52% and 35%, respectively).
Surprisingly, pay and benefits are of nearly equal
importance among sole wage earners and workers who are not the sole wage earner
in their household (43% and 41%, respectively).
However, workers who are not the sole wage earner in their household are
more likely than sole wage earners to say that the ability to balance work and
personal life matters a great deal to them (47% and 35%, respectively).
Income also plays a role, with higher wage workers more
influenced by pay and benefits than lower wage workers. For example, nearly half (46%) of workers
earning more than $40,000 a year say that pay and benefits matter a great deal,
compared to 37% of workers earning less than $40,000 a year. Similarly, more than half (54%) of higher
wage workers say that challenging tasks influenced them a great deal, and 69%
say they are influenced a great deal by their interest in the line of work. In contrast, 35% of lower wage workers say
they are influenced a great deal by pay and benefits and 53% cite interest in
the line of work. Finally, workers
earning more than $40,000 a year are more likely than workers earning less than
$40,000 a year to say that opportunities for advancement matter a great deal
(43% and 30%, respectively) (see Figure 6.2).
Fig.
5.2: Job Characteristics that Affected
Workers’ Decision to Enter Current Job A Great Deal, by Income
Interestingly, the education level of a worker’s parents may
have an influence on how strongly certain job characteristics influenced the
worker’s decision to enter their current job.
When asked to think about when they were sixteen and to identify their
parents’ educational achievements, people are most likely to say that their
mother and father’s highest level of completed education is high school (48%
and 36%, respectively). Only 18% of mothers and 19% of fathers of respondents
have less than a high school degree or equivalent, while 29% of fathers and 24%
of mothers have an advanced degree, such as an Associate’s, Bachelor’s or
Master’s degree (see Figure 6.3).
Fig. 5.3: Highest Level of Education
of Workers’ Parents
Workers whose mothers had more formal education are more
likely than workers whose mothers had less formal education to say that the
ability to balance work and personal life influenced their career choice a
great deal or a moderate amount. Among workers whose mother had less than a
high school education, 69% cite the influence of the ability to balance work
and family, while 74% of workers whose mother had a high school diploma say the
same. In comparison, 82% of workers
whose mother had a college degree or higher and 77% of workers whose mother had
at least some college education say that the ability to balance work and family
had a great or moderate influence on their current career decision.
Similarly, workers with better educated fathers are more
likely than workers whose fathers had less formal education to cite the
influence of pay and benefits. Among
workers with fathers who attended some college, 78% say that benefits and pay
influenced their decision to enter their current field, while 76% of those
whose fathers have a college degree or higher say the same. In comparison, 69% of those with fathers who
have less than a high school diploma and 71% of those whose fathers graduated
from high school indicate that pay and benefits had a moderate to great
influence on their career choice.
Finally, the occupation itself plays a role in how workers
view the influence of various job characteristics. Among workers, those in office and
administrative support and finance/engineering/computer fields are most likely
to say that pay and benefits influenced a great deal their decision to enter
their current job (50% and 48%). In
contrast, only 16% of those in education/training/library say pay and benefits
affected their decision a great deal. However, these workers are much more
likely than those in finance/engineering/computer to cite the influence of
their ability to balance work and personal life (58% and 37%, respectively).
Similarly, education/training/library and health
professionals are the most likely to say that challenging tasks influenced
their career decision a great deal (70% and 59%, respectively), compared to 32%
of those in office and administrative support and 37% of sales and consumer
services workers. Among health workers, 85% say that the opportunity to help
those in need influenced their current career choice a great deal, while 80% of
education/training/library workers say the same. In stark contrast, only 21% of
finance/engineering/computer professionals,
27% of office and administrative support workers and 28% of
construction/production/transportation workers say the same.
Education/training/library professionals are the most likely to cite interest
in the line of work, while office and administrative support workers are the
least likely to cite this reason (84% and 43%, respectively). In contrast, finance/engineering/computer
employees are the most likely to cite opportunities for advancement as having
influenced their career decision a great deal, while education/library/training
workers are the least likely to cite this as a strong influence (60% and 21%,
respectively).
Section
6: Opportunities for Career
Advancement
An equal number (54%) of men and women say that there is a
person at their job that offers them advice on ways to advance their career.
Additionally, similar numbers of men and women agree that their job offers them
a chance to network with people who give them advice on career advancement (56%
and 59%, respectively). However, more men than women agree that there are
opportunities for advancement at their current job. Nearly three-fourths (71%)
of men agree that there are opportunities for advancement at their job, while
only 63% of women say the same (see Figure 4.1).
Those in legal and protective services are the most likely
to strongly agree that there are opportunities for advancement in their current
career and education/library/training are the least (52% and 26%,
respectively). Surprisingly, there is
very little variation across occupations regarding those who strongly agree
that there is a person at their job who offers advice on ways to advance in
that line of work.
Women are more likely than men to agree that personal and
family responsibilities are obstacles to their career advancement. More than
one-fourth (28%) of women agree that personal and family responsibilities make
it difficult for them to advance in their line of work. In stark contrast, only 16% of men agree with
this assessment. Conversely, men are more likely than women to disagree that
personal and family responsibilities are a barrier to their career advancement
(74% and 66%, respectively).
Fig. 6.1: Opportunities for and
Barriers to Advancement at Work, by Gender
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