COUNCIL ON GENDER PARITY IN LABOR AND EDUCATION

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Introduction

The New Jersey Council on Gender Parity in Labor and Education recognizes that the influx of women in the paid work world has had, and will continue to have, a drastic effect on American workplaces. Women currently comprise approximately 46 percent of the United States labor force, and are predicted to make up an even larger portion throughout the early part of this new Century.[1] In New Jersey, women’s labor force participation is predicted to grow at a rate of 63 percent through 2015.[2] Further, it is estimated that 99 percent of all American women will work at some point during their lifetimes.[3] The increase in women’s labor force participation, along with comparable increases in the number of minority, immigrant, and older workers; trends toward globalization; and, technological advances are forcing companies to examine workplace structures to recruit and retain skilled workers.

This report explores the issues surrounding the experiences of women in five growing workplaces in New Jersey - building trades, financial services, health care, law, and technology. As an initial step in recognizing and defining workforce issues and barriers to gender parity in New Jersey, this report was developed as an extension of the New Jersey State Employment and Training Commission’s (SETC) A Unified State Plan for New Jersey’s Workforce Readiness System. The Unified State Plan, first introduced in 1992, is an effort to address the complexities of creating a unified high-quality workforce investment system. The Council strongly believes that this report will aid New Jersey in meeting one of the core principles of the Unified State Plan: there must be full utilization of all potential workers.[4]

The “New” New Jersey Workplaces

As New Jersey enters the 21^st Century labor force, industrial and technological changes are propelling its workplaces into somewhat uncharted territories. These changes are centered on four trends in New Jersey’s current workforce system. First, the industrial base has transformed itself from an industrial goods-producing economy to a knowledge-based economy. Second, along with this economic shift, there has been a shift in the types of skills demanded of workers. Specifically, higher-level technology, communication, and leadership skills are in demand, while lower-level industrial skills are declining. Third, the demographic composition of the labor force was marked with increased growth rates of women and minorities at the close of the 20^th Century. This trend is expected to continue throughout this new Century. Fourth, labor force growth rates will not match predicted labor demand, exacerbating the labor force shortages that were characteristic of the late 1990s. This section will explore how together these four trends tell a story of the new labor market in which issues of parity become issues of economic competitiveness and survival.

Perhaps most significant is the change in New Jersey’s economic base is a shift from an industrial goods-producing economy to a knowledge-based economy (See Figure 1). The knowledge- based economy is focused on jobs that use technology in new, innovative, and flexible ways. Characteristics of this new economy include work teams, flat work structures, customer-focused strategies, and globalized markets.[5]

The industrial shift is expected to occur most profoundly in the high-skill services producing industries. This sector’s development is primarily fueled by rapid growth of business services, and health care, creating a significant transformation in New Jersey’s occupational structure. By 2008, professional and technical specialty occupations will double the growth rate of all other occupational categories in New Jersey (See Figure 2). These industrial changes correspond to shifts in the types of skills workers must possess. These occupations require that the workforce possesses high-level skills in computers, electronics, life sciences, mathematics, and engineering, along with various combinations of those skills. In addition to technical skills, workers need flexible analytical and communication skills that will enable them to adapt their talents to evolving labor market conditions and work organizations.

While occupational and corresponding skill demands are changing in New Jersey, so is the demographic composition of the labor force. As evident from Table 1, women and minorities are estimated to experience the largest labor force growth through 2015. The New Jersey Department of Labor predicts that while there is only a small overall growth in the numbers of white men in the labor force (from 1,880,223 in 1990 to a predicted decline of 1,865,200 in 2005 to 1,899,500 by 2015); there will be a dramatic and steady growth of women and minorities during the same 15 years. Women’s labor force participation is predicted to increase from approximately 1.8 million in 1990 to over 2.3 million in 2015. Within that growth, there will be an almost doubling of the numbers of African-American women through 2015, and a significant increase in the numbers of Hispanic women from 163,997 in 1990 to 421,500 by 2015.

Hispanic Origin is not a race. Persons of Hispanic Origin may be of any race. “Other Races” include Asian, Pacific Islander, American Indian or Alaska Native.

These demographic changes in the labor force are significant because women, and particularly women of color, have systematically been excluded from higher skilled and higher wage occupations that are in demand in the economy and the educational training systems that prepare workers for these jobs. In 2000, the Council on Gender Parity in Labor and Education issued two reports, Women and Work: Prospects for Parity in the New Economy, and Bridging the Gap: Gender Equity in Science, Engineering, and Technology. These reports chronicle the barriers women face in the educational and workforce pipeline that prevents them from attaining the skills that are demanded in the new economy. It is precisely the jobs that are demanded in our economy in which the growing segments of our workforce are least represented.

However, not only is the overall number of women in the labor force important to employers and policymakers, so are the demographic characteristics of the women themselves. While single and divorced women have always made up a larger share of the labor force, the numbers of married women and women with children in the labor force have significantly increased over the past decades. In 1960, less than a quarter of married women were in the labor force working full time. By the beginning of the 21^st Century that fraction had risen to over two-thirds.[6] Further, 60.7 percent of mothers with children under the age of 3 were in the labor force at the beginning of the 21^st Century.[7] In addition, many women are the sole providers for themselves and their families. The Census Bureau reports that 47 percent of women are on their own, 27 percent are single and 20 percent are divorced, separated or widowed. Single women head 18 percent of all families.[8] The ability to meet the workforce and training needs of women and families in order to recruit and retain workers is pivotal in the new workplace.

The Employment Policy Foundation predicts that while the United States has experienced labor force growth throughout the 1980s (1.7 percent), and early 1990s (1.3 percent), between 1999 and 2006 labor force growth will decline 1 percent. Further, the Bureau of Labor Statistics predicts that labor demand will continue to exceed the growth of the labor force, a trend that has been characteristic of our labor market since the 1980s.[9] Labor market demands and changes in labor force composition will require companies to recruit and retain a diverse workforce in order to compete. As a result, it will be good business to provide workplace structures and alternatives that help to accommodate the needs of the workforce.

Based on the trends in the workforce, the Council on Gender Parity in Labor and Education chose to investigate ways that companies can recruit and retain diverse groups of workers by addressing workplace issues. While the focus of this paper is on workplace issues, it does not diminish the importance of parity in the educational and training systems to increase the number of workers in growing fields. To begin the dialogue on changing workplace structures, the Council chose to focus on five industries that are pivotal to New Jersey’s economic growth -- building trades, financial services, health care, law, and technology. The Council believes that it is important to define the issues of parity in the workplace. Armed with such research, the Council can formulate effective recommendations for workplace change.

While New Jersey does not collect data that allows us to detail the composition of many of the occupations in each of the five industries, national Bureau of Labor Statistics data illustrates that each of the industries presents some gender parity issues (See Table 2). While the distinctive issues of each industry will be discussed in the following sections, there are some general trends that help to frame workplace issues. As evident in Table 2, for the most part, occupations continue to be sex segregated. In other words, women continue to be over-represented in typically female occupations such as nursing and legal assistants, while men continue to dominate the traditionally male occupations such as lawyers and building trades.

Interestingly, it is precisely the occupations in which economists have documented labor shortages that there is gender inequity in composition. Typically this inequity often takes the form of male dominated occupations. For example, in science and technology occupations, physicians, and securities and financial service sales, women make up less than 30 percent of the workforce. Alternatively, in other occupations that are facing shortages, such as nursing, men make up less than 10 percent of the workforce. As such, gender parity in opportunity will help to increase the numbers of potential workers in occupations that are experiencing labor demands.

However, this data only tells part of the story. In addition to recruiting women into occupations, particularly those that are in high demand, it is important to focus on how to retain women once they enter these occupations. This requires us to examine the workplace climates in order to understand ways to treat women equitably and meet their needs. While some women in professional and managerial occupations have been able to take advantage of workplace practices such as flex-time, job sharing, alternate work schedules, and telecommuting, comparable programs are not available for nonprofessional women. Further, even among professional women there is much variability in how effective these practices are to integrate work and family demands. Additionally, despite advances, all women have yet to achieve parity with men. Women continue to earn less than their male counterparts; hold only a small number of top leadership positions in all industries; and, feel unvalued in many nontraditional occupations.

Gender parity is clearly a workforce issue and the status of women in the workplace is both an economic and social issue. As companies try to fill growing labor demands for highly skilled employees, they must focus on women as a potential labor source. Yet, in order to recruit and retain women, companies must address issues of workplace climate, work and family integration, and parity in labor market rewards in creative and innovative ways. Recognizing the needs of women in the labor force will better prepare New Jersey to address issues of our workforce systems. As Federal Reserve Chairman Alan Greenspan stated, “Discrimination is patently immoral, but is increasingly being seen as unprofitable…Discrimination leads to higher costs, lower output, and slower accumulation of wealth.”[10]

Building Trades

While women currently comprise an extremely small percentage of the building trades workforce, projections indicate that this percentage will increase over the next five to ten years. This is especially true in New Jersey as increased state investments in school construction, along with concerted efforts to increase the number of women and minorities, will inevitably increase the demand for workers in this area. As women begin to comprise a greater portion of the building trades, there has been increased attention to the experiences of women in this industry. Research finds that, in addition to the safety and health hazards faced by all building trades workers, women face additional hazards resulting from a workplace that is hostile to women.

Workplace Climate. Research from the National Institute for Occupational Safety and Health (NIOSH), the Chicago Women in Trades (CWIT), and the Occupational Safety and Health Administration (OSHA) finds that women face a hostile work environment on many jobsites in building trades. Both gender and sexual harassment are common forms of discrimination women experience. A recent NIOSH study found that 41 percent of women surveyed experienced gender harassment-acts of hostility or aggression based on sex, but not of a sexual nature on construction worksites.[11] These instances can take the form of verbal abuse, vandalized work, and threats of physical violence. Surveyors found that men will often taunt women on jobsites, “testing” them by asking them to carry or lift very heavy materials.[12] These tests often injure women and drive them off jobsites.

In addition to gender harassment, women experience sexual harassment in the building trades. Female construction workers report the second highest rate of sexual harassment complaints. (Female miners report the highest rate of sexual harassment.)[13] Indeed sexual harassment seems to be a fact of life for women in the building trades. A study by CWIT on women construction workers found that 88 percent of respondents reported sexual harassment. Instances include pictures of naked women at jobsites, unwanted sexual comments, unwanted touching, and sexual assaults. Specifically, 88 percent of women report pictures of naked and semi-naked women at jobsites; 83 percent of women report receiving unwelcome sexual remarks; and, 57 percent of women report being touched sexually or asked for sex.[14]

Researchers find that women also report feelings of isolation at jobsites. Isolation is quite common, as many women tend to be the only female on specific worksites. In CWIT’s study, for example, 22 percent of tradeswomen stated that they had never worked with another woman. Isolation can also take the form of being ostracized by co-workers. Many construction workers report that male supervisors and co-workers will ignore women’s input and/or refuse to work with women. In fact, 52 percent of CWIT’s survey respondents reported that men refused to work with them at some point in their careers.[15]

The hostile workplace climate creates an environment where women feel vulnerable and insecure. Sixty-two percent of tradeswomen surveyed report that they feel insecure about job promotions and advancement in the building trades industry.[16] Tradeswomen also report that they are reluctant to report health and safety hazards on jobsites, for fear of being labeled complainers and whiners; straining already tenuous relationships with co-workers, and jeopardizing their employment situation.

Lack of Safety Equipment, Clothing and Facilities for Women. Since women comprise such a small portion of the building trades, they often find that once they are onsite, much of the protective equipment and clothing is designed for men. OSHA, citing research conducted by NIOSH and the United States Department of the Army, found that most tools, equipment, and clothing are not designed for women’s bodies. Forty-six percent of women cannot find protective clothing that properly fits, and 41 percent of women cannot find proper fitting gloves. In fact, only 14 percent of manufacturers of protective equipment offer ear, head and face protection in women’s sizes.[17] Not being able to locate safety clothing puts women in physical jeopardy every day on the job.

In addition to clothing, women also find that tools and equipment are created for the average size man’s use. As a result, women often report musculoskeletal disorders resulting from strains in using tools that are too heavy. Women also report that they do not receive training on the best ways to use tools designed for men in order to minimize potential injuries.

Lack of On-the-Job Training. Research finds that in the building trades many of the on-the-job skills training opportunities are done informally through observation, mentoring, and coaching. Women are often excluded from these informal training venues due to the hostile work climate, and the lack of possible female mentors on site. As a result, women report that they are not assigned to the variety of assignments that would allow for informal skills training. Instead women report that they are assigned to routine, unskilled tasks, such as cleaning and sorting. Women then are not able to break through many of the male dominated informal training and mentoring activities that occur onsite.

Financial Services

Women have made some inroads into the world of business. By 2000, women held 29.5 percent of the managerial and professional specialty occupations; 12.5 percent of the Fortune 500 corporate officer positions, 11.7 percent of the Fortune 500 Board of Directors members, and 2 of the Fortune 500 CEOs were women.[18] However, despite such advances, women still face a very unwelcome environment in many business workplaces. The environment is perhaps nowhere more hostile as in financial services -- the world of investment banking, mergers and acquisitions, and trading and stock brokering.

Women have faced a long history of discrimination in financial services in the United States. It was not until 1967 that women were admitted to the New York Stock Exchange (NYSE), and women are still striving to reach parity. Currently, only about 1 out of 12 licensed brokers are women, men hold 6 out of every 7 Big Board Seats on the NYSE; and on Wall Street’s largest trade association, The Securities Industry Association, only 5 percent of its member firms are headed by women.[19] Not only are women underrepresented in financial services, but those women in the industry face widespread discrimination and harassment. In fact, both Merrill Lynch and Company, and Solomon Smith Barney were recently sued by thousands of women who filed discrimination suits against them.[20]

Workplace Climate. Perhaps most debilitating to women is the environment that they face in financial services workplaces. Women report that they experience an onslaught of sexist stereotypes, sexual harassment, exclusion, and isolation in their daily work lives.

Sexual harassment and gender stereotypes are very prevalent in financial services workplaces. Catalyst, a research organization, studies have found that 61 percent of women feel that stereotypes and misconceptions about women’s roles and abilities are barriers to their future advancement.[21] According to researcher Judith Oakley, some male managers continue to describe women in business as less confident, less analytical and less emotionally stable than men.[22] Further, Sheila McFinney, an organizational psychologist, reports that many men believe that women do not have the stomach for selling on Wall Street.[23] These persistent gender stereotypes create an environment that devalues women’s work contributions to their firms.

In addition to dealing with gender stereotypes, women in financial services must deal with an environment infused with harassment. This environment is described by one broker as “a locker room with suits on.”[24] Catalyst studies found that women report receiving unwelcome sexual attention; hearing sexist comments and sexual remarks and jokes; having sexist materials displayed; and, receiving physical threats.[25] The situation is even more dire for women of color. According to the Center for Women Policy Studies, 61 percent of women of color hear sexist and sexual jokes, and 53 percent report racial and ethnic jokes in corporate offices.[26]

The workplace culture in financial services is also one in which women report that they experience marginalization and isolation. According to the Catalyst studies, the main barriers women cite in financial services include: lack of mentoring opportunities (70 percent of women); lack of female role models (65 percent of women); and, exclusion from informal networks (67 percent of women).[27] Often women are only among a handful in their firms. As a result, there are few women to turn to for support, mentoring, and/or coaching. Women also tend not to have the far reaching informal networks that typify men’s experiences. This not only serves as a barrier to advancement in their firms, but also affects their opportunities and rewards outside of their firms. Judy Olian, citing evidence from the Academy of Management (AMA), finds that when men change employers their average salary increase is $25,000. Comparable women see only a $10,000 increase when they change firms. The AMA suggests that this disparity is related to the more extensive networks of men outside of firms.[28]

Work and Family Integration. According to Melinda Ligo’s research on a Wall Street firm, there is a commonplace sexist joke heard- “There is only one thing worse than a female broker---a pregnant broker.”[29] Not only do some female brokers experience discrimination after announcing pregnancies, such as being denied further training, or being encouraged to transfer clients to male colleagues, but the structure of many firms makes it difficult to allow for work and family integration after pregnancy. Catalyst found that 69 percent of women believe that their commitments to personal and family responsibilities are a barrier to their career advancement in financial services. Both men and women seem to agree on this point. Catalyst found that 94 percent of men and women they surveyed report that balancing work and family is very important, yet 57 percent of both men and women report it is very difficult to achieve, as financial services requires long and unpredictable hours.[30]

Unequal Access to Labor Market Rewards. Women in financial services receive less labor market rewards than do men for comparable work. According to Catalyst, only 39 percent of women are satisfied with the level of compensation they receive, and less than one-half of female financial services professionals are very or somewhat satisfied with their advancement opportunities. Catalyst’s study of the financial services industry also found that 65 percent of women believe they must work harder than men in order to receive the same rewards. Further, 51 percent of women report they are paid less than men who do the same work. In addition, only 31 percent of women believe promotion decisions are arrived at fairly and 42 percent of women report clients and projects are fairly assigned.[31]

Women’s perceptions of their labor market rewards closely mirrors their reality. Judith Oakley reports that the pay gap is characteristic of Fortune 500 companies, especially among senior officers. Specifically, women receive 68 cents for every dollar earned by men. In addition, Oakley found that not only are women paid less than men at all levels of the organization, but also women are more likely to receive less corporate perks, less time off for training and education, and a lesser share of stock options.[32]

Women also reach a glass ceiling in the financial services industry. Women are often not in positions that will allow them access to upper tier executive levels. In order to be in line for top executive positions, including CEO, senior managers need to be in a pipeline for that job by holding line positions -- positions in which they are reporting to the CEO or one level down from the CEO. However, the majority of women are in staff positions, such as human relations or public relations, and not in the pipeline for top advancement.

Health Care

The issue of gender parity in health care is really two fold, focusing on the experiences of both physicians and nurses. While women have steadily increased their representation as physicians over the past 30 years, women remain the majority of the nursing workforce. As a result, gender parity issues are quite distinctive for both of these groups.

Physicians

Women have made great advances in medicine. In 2000, women made up 24 percent of United States physicians. This is an increase from 7.6 percent in 1970.[33] Further, women continue to increase their representation throughout the medical pipeline. Women received 42.4 percent of medical school diplomas in 2000 and 43.8 percent of enrollees in medical schools are women.[34] Yet, despite such advances women continue to experience inequity in medicine.

Work and Family Integration. One of the greatest constraints on women’s careers in medicine is the inflexibility in work schedules, especially in regard to work and family integration. Often, studies find that when female doctors want to alter their schedules, they tend not to receive support from male colleagues. Often, women are encouraged to return to work as soon as possible after childbirth. For example, while many practices will give women salaries while they are medically disabled from pregnancy, they will not extend those benefits beyond that point. Erica Franks’ study of 4,200 female physicians found that it is often issues around maternity leave and requests for reduced hours that women feel they have lost control over their work environments.[35] While the demands for flexibility in career options has been increasing, they have not been translated into adequate options. Many times requests for part-time schedules after childbirth sparks controversy in the medical field. Most commonly, part-time does not truly equate to part-time schedules. Part-time doctors are often expected to take on full-time call duty.[36] The call for integration of work and family is not just voiced by female doctors. Recent research has found that young male doctors are twice as likely as their older male counterparts to push for reduced hours to integrate work and family.[37] Such demands bode well for positive implementation of such practices.

Workplace Climate. In addition to workplace structures that are not flexible enough to accommodate work and family needs, researchers also find that harassment is a problem in some medical practices, and that the persistence of harassment is a strong predictor of career dissatisfaction for women. Erica Franks found that 48 percent of her sample of female physicians reported being harassed in a nonsexual manner based on their gender. Most commonly, they report being ignored and excluded from networks. Many of these instances are reported to have occurred in medical school and residencies, as opposed to private practices.[38] In addition to nonsexual harassment, 37 percent of women surveyed reported having been sexually harassed by male colleagues during their careers. Examples include male leers, sexual remarks and jokes, and unwanted sexual touching. The Association of Women Surgeons have begun a website (womensurgeons.org) in which they describe instances of sexual harassment in the workplace.

Unequal Access to Labor Market Rewards. According to AMA past president and first female president, Nancy Dickey, one of the most common issues female physicians talk about in regard to gender issues in medicine is pay inequity. Female physicians in 2001 earned 67.9 percent of male doctors’ salaries.[39] While some of this gap in pay may be explained by discriminatory practices, a portion of the gap is related to sex segregation in the medical field. Research indicates that women tend to be concentrated in lower status and lower paying specialties. For example, women make up 64.6 percent of pediatric residents, and 67.7 percent of OBGYN residents. Conversely, women make up only 21.2 percent of general surgery residents.[40] Further, women are vulnerable to lower salaries than are men because female physicians tend to be employees, rather than practice partners or shareholders. In 2000, for example, 56 percent of women were employees compared to only 35 percent of male doctors. Sex segregation does not just exist among practicing medical doctors. Evidence demonstrates that women are unequally distributed on medical school faculties. While women made up 50.1 percent of assistant professors in 2000, they only held 10.7 percent of full professorships.[41]

Nurses

Nursing has received a significant amount of attention over the past few years as labor market analysts have predicted that New Jersey and the United States will face a large nursing shortage during the beginning of the 21^st Century. The statistics clearly demonstrate the dire nature of the situation. According to the Association of Women’s Health, Obstetric and Neonatal Nurses (AWHONN) in 2000, the average age of a Registered Nurse (RN) was 45.2 years old. Only 31.7 percent of RNs are under 40 years old, and a mere 9.1 percent of nurses are under 30 years old. By 2010, 40 percent of the current nursing workforce is expected to retire. In addition to these statistics on the age distribution of nurses, the gender distribution is also alarming. Men comprise only 5.4 percent of all RNs.[42] Men then represent an untapped potential labor pool in nursing. Therefore, it is important to address the current workforce climate in nursing, along with the experiences of men in this field.

Workplace Climate. One of the most important issues of concern among nurses is inadequate nursing staffs at both hospitals and nursing homes, and the resulting mandatory overtime hours that many nurses are assigned. The American Nurses Association (ANA), annual stakeholders report found that often too few nurses are on staff to adequately care for patients. The ANA states, “the status of nurse staffing in the United States represents a public health crisis.”[43] The reduced nursing staff size puts increased pressure on nurses during their shifts, reduces the quality of patient care, and decreases the control nurses have over their hours. One of the most significant effects of the nursing staff shortage has been the growing trend to use mandatory overtime as a staffing practice, with nurses working 16 to 20 hours at a time. As a result, nurses often report that they have a lack of autonomy and control over their work life.

Experiences of Male Nurses. Men make up only 5 percent of the nursing workforce. Men then represent a potential labor pool to help alleviate the nursing shortage. However, in order to focus on men as a potential source of labor, men’s current experiences in nursing workplaces must be examined.

Men face a multitude of discriminatory practices while on nursing staffs. Most significantly, men must deal with gender stereotypes throughout their workday. Perhaps the most common stereotypes male nurses must face come from the patients. Despite being in nurses’ uniforms, patients tend to assume that a male nurse is a physician or medical student. Other times, male nurses must confront patients who believe that the male nurse is either too lazy or not smart enough to attend medical school. In addition to gender stereotypes, male nurses also confront very homophobic comments, as some patients believe the myth that all male nurses are homosexual.[44]

In addition to stereotypes, male nurses report further barriers in the workplace. Male nurses experience exclusionary practices in clinical settings. Researchers find that at some long-term care facilities, administrators will not assign men to female patients, arguing that “the restriction is necessary to preserve the dignity of elderly women unaccustomed to receiving intimate care from men. Yet similar restrictions do not exist for female nurses caring for male patients.”[45] Further, as late as 1994, California’s Fair Employment and Housing Commission upheld a California hospital ban on male nurses in labor and delivery rooms. The rationale for such a ban was that male nurses performing vaginal exams would increase patients’ anxieties. Interestingly, according to AWHONN, labor and delivery rooms (along with specialized care units, emergency rooms, and critical care units) are experiencing the greatest shortages due to specialized skills and experience needed in these areas.[46]

Male nurses also report a sense of isolation and marginalization, especially in nursing schools, resulting from few male role models, faculty members, and peers. In addition, the feminized image of nursing serves to further isolate men. Much of the language used in nursing refers to the nurse as “she”, and there are few images of male nurses in books and academic journals. Male nurses also report discrimination in unions and professional organizations, including being passed over for leadership positions. Indeed, in 1996, men held only 6 percent of the total nursing administrative positions.[47]

Law

At the beginning of the 21^st Century, women made significant strides in the profession of law. In 2000, women accounted for a third of lawyers, and over 50 percent of law students.[48] Yet, despite such advancements in the gender composition in law, women continue to face many barriers that limit their opportunities in law.

Work and Family Integration. Perhaps the greatest barrier to women in law is the excessive demand on an individual’s time. Lawyers are expected to be perpetually on call. Most lawyers in private practice are expected to bill 2,000 hours or more a year. To accomplish this, work weeks of 60 hours or more are considered routine, and weekend work is typical of most law practices.[49] Many fields of law impose unpredictable deadlines and frequent travel on employees. As a result, most female lawyers believe that they do not have sufficient time for themselves and their families. Out of 1,400 lawyers surveyed by the American Bar Association (ABA), 70 percent of both men and women report they had difficulty integrating work and family.[50]

Integration of work and family is further exacerbated because “of the tendency to view long hours as a measure of commitment, ambition, and reliability under pressure.”[51] As a result, while many lawyers feel they could better balance work and family demands with shorter or flexible schedules, they acknowledge that such alternatives are strongly discouraged in practice. While 90 percent of law firms permit part-time schedules, research finds that only three to four percent of lawyers actually use this alternative.[52] Most lawyers believe that if they took advantage of part-time schedules they would risk any opportunities for advancement. The ABA report “Balanced Lives: Changing the Culture of Legal Practice,” found through numerous national surveys that part-time work was the ‘kiss of death,’ the ‘fast track to obscurity,’ and ‘an invitation to end up permanently out to pasture'."[53] These beliefs are substantiated by the experiences of lawyers who took advantage of part-time schedules. Part-time lawyers report feeling isolated, frustrated, marginalized, and devalued in firms.

Workplace Climate. Female lawyers often face what Jennifer Pierce referred to as “a double bind”.[54] The characteristics associated with being a successful lawyer -aggressiveness, competitiveness, and assertiveness - are in contrast to what is traditionally defined as ‘female’. The prevalence of gender stereotypes creates a situation in which women must walk a difficult fine line. Lawyers and clients still view women through a traditional stereotyped lens, believing women “lack sufficient aptitude for complex transactions or sufficient combativeness for major litigation.”[55] Additionally, simply taking on male characteristics does not ensure success for women. Studies find that women who adopt male characteristics as lawyers are evaluated lower than men.

In addition to confronting gender stereotypes, female lawyers also report instances of sexual harassment in the workplace. A recent 2000 survey found that between one-half and two-thirds of female lawyers report experiencing or observing sexual harassment. Furthermore, three quarters of female lawyers believe harassment is a problem in their workplaces.[56] Studies find instances of sexual harassment such as sexual propositions, physical groping, and abusive comments in law firms. Women often cite a reluctance to report sexual harassment because they fear ridicule, retaliation, or even informal blacklisting.

Unequal Access to Labor Market Rewards. Female lawyers experience less labor market rewards for their work than do men. Pay inequity is characteristic of all lawyers regardless of position or years of experience. The ABA found that, on average, women earn $20,000 a year less than male lawyers.[57]

Women are also underrepresented in the highest positions of law. The ABA found that women account for 15 percent of both Federal Judges and law firm partners; 10 percent of law school Deans and General Counsels; and 5 percent of managing partners at law firms. The situation is even graver for women of color, as they account for only 3 percent of lawyers.[58]

Not only do women experience formalized inequities in terms of pay and advancements, women also have inadequate access to informal networks. The informal networks of mentoring, professional contacts, and client development are integral to a lawyer’s career development. However, women tend to be excluded from these networks from the outset of their careers. The scarcity of mentoring relationships for women means that women are not educated in the informal practices and politics of the firm. Further, they are not included in social events that lead to professional opportunities and prospects to attract new clients.

Technology

New Jersey and the United States are facing unprecedented labor shortages in science, engineering, and technology jobs. Yet, despite such a large labor market demand, women make up a small portion of the workforce. Specifically, women comprise only 12 percent of the professional scientists and engineers, and only 10 percent of the highest level information technology positions.[59] Furthermore, attracting women to science, engineering, and technology jobs is only part of the problem; women tend to leave science, engineering, and technology jobs twice as frequently as men.[60] As such, issues of gender parity in science and technology workplaces are critical in addressing labor market shortages.

Workplace Climate. Many studies have found that the workplace climate of technology and science firms is very male dominated and does not provide an environment in which women feel valued. Many women believe that their work efforts and input are not taken as seriously or not as valued as their male counterparts. Women often report that they do not feel comfortable or respected in their workplaces.[61]

In addition, women experience exclusion and marginalization in science and technology firms. Many women feel that they are left out of the important decision making meetings and opportunities. They feel that these decisions occur in very informal and exclusionary settings, such as in hallway conversations, on golf courses and tennis courts, and in “invitation-only” meetings.[62] As such, women may feel they are not part of the organization and that their input is unimportant. This mentality of the “old boys club” is a long-standing tradition in science and technology jobs that has served to minimize women’s roles in these organizations and justify their exclusion and marginalization. Women also experience feeling of isolation in science and technology workplaces. The small number of women employed in many science, math, and technology firms also results in situations in which women find themselves the only woman in their work group. This isolating factor makes it difficult for women to form the same informal networks formed by men. Often times these networks not only provide support and encouragement, but also help advance women through their careers.

Work and Family Integration. The work climate in science and technology workplaces is based on the idea of heroic leadership: “the longer I can work, the better.”[63] As such, many women perceive that the greatest barriers to their success in information technology (IT) careers are long work weeks (50-60 hours per week), expectations to work late hours, and a high stress job environment.[64] As a result of these factors, women report that they often leave IT careers because the long hours that they are expected to work are detrimental to their family lives. In addition, women find that if they stay home for one to two years to take care of family responsibilities, they cannot easily return to their jobs because of changes in the technology used. Finally, women feel that managers are reluctant to allow part-time work. Often, women may reduce their work hours to try to integrate family and work responsibilities. As a result of their new part-time status, women find that they are assigned to less desirable projects, causing their careers to stall or prematurely end.[65]

Unequal Access to Labor Market Rewards. Despite the fact that there is a large labor shortage in science and technology jobs, women continue to experience less labor market rewards than do men in this field. A recent Techies.com survey of 106,133 men and women in technology jobs from entry-level to executive positions across 39 major United States labor markets found that, while women have made some inroads in regard to pay equity in science and technology, there are still inequities. Women averaged approximately $5,000 less in annual pay than their male counterparts. Among less experienced younger workers (workers with up to 5 years of experience) women's earnings were almost on par with men’s earnings. However, women with 10 or more years of experience earned on average nine percent less than men with comparable skills and experience. The researchers found that the larger wage gap at the more senior levels indicates that women are not getting promotions at the same rate as men, and are not advancing into higher level executive and managerial positions.[66] As such, the pay gap is reinforced by the glass ceiling at the highest levels.

The pay gap also differs across job category in science and technology. The Techies.com study found that professionals in software development and engineering were found to experience the smallest wage gap, while women in data management fields earned only 84 percent of men’s salaries (approximately $12,500 a year less). Women also experienced an earnings gap in recruiting/HR positions in science and technology firms. Annually women earn $11,300 less than their male counterparts.

This report has defined some of the major workplace issues that are preventing parity in many of New Jersey's growing industries. Through this report, the Council has set the stage to continue the dialogue on these issues and serve as a catalyst for change. To ensure that all workers have the opportunity to reach their full potential, New Jersey must address issues of parity in the workplace.

[1] US Department of Labor. 2002. Employment and Earnings. Washington, DC.

[2] Gatta, Mary. 2001. Women and Work: Prospects for Parity in the New Economy. New Jersey State Employment and Training Commission’s Council on Gender Parity in Labor and Education Report.

[3] Gini, Al. 1998. “Women in the Workplace.” Business and Society Review 99 (102):16-31.

[4] New Jersey State Employment and Training Commission. 1992. A Unified State Plan for New Jersey’s Workforce Readiness System.

[5] State Employment and Training Commission. 2001. New Jersey in Transition: The Crisis of the Workforce.

[6] Gini, Al. 1998. “Women in the Workplace.” Business and Society Review 99 (102):16-31.

[7] AFL-CIO Working Women’s Department. 2002. Childcare and Early Childhood Education, Fact Sheet. Washington, DC.

[8] US Census Bureau. 1999. Current Population Reports, Money Income in the United States. Washington, DC.

[9] Alverson, Marchel. 1999. “The Dawn of the New Workplace.” Women in Business 5 (16):16-20.

[10] McDonald, Kimberly. January 17, 1998. “Fed and SEC Say Bias is Bad for Business” New York Post.

[11] Goldenhar, L.M. et al. 1996. “Effects of On-the Job Harassment: Outcomes for Women Construction Workers: Preliminary Survey Findings.” APA-CDC Conference on Women’s Health. Washington, DC.

[12] OSHA. 1999. Women in the Construction Workplace: Providing Equitable Safety and Health Protections.

[13] Ibid.

[14] LeBreton, L.W. et al. 1996. Breaking New Ground:Worksites 2000. Chicago Women in Trades.

[15] Ibid.

[16] OSHA. 1999. Women in the Construction Workplace: Providing Equitable Safety and Health Protections.

[17] Ibid.

[18] Olian, Judy. 2001. The Past and Prologue: Female Executives and Professionals. Vital Speeches of the Day.

[19] Belsie, Laurent. 2001. “Breaking into Brokerages, Women See a Natural Niche.” Christian Science Monitor, 93:16.

[20] Ligos, Melinda. 2000. “Nightmare on Wall Street.” Sales and Marketing Management 152(2):66-76.

[21] EPM Communciations. 2001. “Women in Financial Services Still Face Barriers.” Marketing to Women Newsletter 14(9).

[22] Oakley, Judith. 2000. “Gender Based Barriers to Senior Management Positions: Understanding the Scarcity of Female CEOs.” Journal of Business Ethics:27(4):321-334.

[23] Ligos, Melinda. 2000. “Nightmare on Wall Street.” Sales and Marketing Management 152(2):66-76.

[24] Coeyman, Marjorie. 1998. “Women Still Wary of Wall Street.” Christian Science Monitor 90(194):12.

[25] Ligos, Melinda. 2000. “Nightmare on Wall Street.” Sales and Marketing Management 152(2):66-76.

[26] Center for Women Policy Studies. 2001. Making the Case for Affirmative Action: Women of Color in Corporate America.

[27] EPM Communciations. 2001. “Women in Financial Services Still Face Barriers.” Marketing to Women Newsletter 14(9).

[28] Olian, Judy. 2001. The Past and Prologue: Female Executives and Professionals. Vital Speeches of the Day.

[29] Ligos, Melinda. 2000. “Nightmare on Wall Street.” Sales and Marketing Management 152(2):66-76.

[30] Catalyst. 2001. Flexible Work Environments: The Changing Nature of Work.

[31] EPM Communciations. 2001. “Women in Financial Services Still Face Barriers.” Marketing to Women Newsletter 14(9).

[32] Oakley, Judith. 2000. “Gender Based Barriers to Senior Management Positions: Understanding the Scarcity of Female CEOs.” Journal of Business Ethics:27(4):321-334.

[33] American Medical Association. 2001. Women in Medicine Data Source 2000/2001 Editions. www.ama-assn.org.

[34] Ibid.

[35] Lowes, Robert. 2000. “How Unhappy are Women Doctors?” Medical Economics 77(13):80-88.

[36] Ibid.

[37] Ibid.

[38] Lowes, Robert. 2000. “How Unhappy are Women Doctors?” Medical Economics 77(13):80-88.

[39] Bureau of Labor Statistics. 2001. www.bls.gov.

[40] American Medical Association. 2001. Women in Medicine Data Source 2000/2001 Editions. www.ama-assn.org.

[41] Ibid.

[42] AWHONN. 2000. HSRA Unveils Nursing Data for 2000, Signs Point to Shortage. www.ashonn.org.

[43] ANA. 2000. Annual Stakeholders Report.

[44] Poliafico, Julie. 1998. “Nursing’s Gender Gap.” RN 61(10):39-42.

[45] Ibid.

[46] AWHONN. 2000. HSRA Unveils Nursing Data for 2000, Signs Point to Shortage. www.ashonn.org

[47] Poliafico, Julie. 1998. “Nursing’s Gender Gap.” RN 61(10):39-42.

[48] Rhode, Deborah. 2001. “The Unfinished Agenda: Women and the Legal Profession” ABA Commission on Women in the Profession.

[49] Rhode, Deborah. 2001. "Balances Lives: Changing the Culture of Legal Practice." ABA Commission on Women in the Profession.

[50] Ibid.

[51] Rhode, Deborah. 2001. “The Unfinished Agenda: Women and the Legal Profession” ABA Commission on Women in the Profession.

[52] Ibid.

[53] Ibid.

[54] Pierce, Jennifer. 1995. Gender Trials: Emotional Lives in Contemporary Law Firms, University of California Press:CA..

[55] Rhode, Deborah. 2001. “The Unfinished Agenda: Women and the Legal Profession” ABA Commission on Women in the Profession.

[56] Ibid.

[57] Ibid.

[58] Ibid.

[59] Haller, Vera. 2001. Women Losing Ground in Engineering and Technology. Women’ Enews, www.womensenews.org.

[60] Advocates for Women in Science, Engineering and Technology. 1997. Gender Equity and Mentorship in Science, Engineering and Technology, www.awsem.com.

[61] Thom, Mary. 2001. Balancing the Equation: Where are the Women and Girls in Science, Engineering and Technology?” NCROW Report.

[62] Women in Technology International. 1997. Business Impact by Women in Science and Technology. WITI.

[63] Thom, Mary. 2001. Balancing the Equation: Where are the Women and Girls in Science, Engineering and Technology?” NCROW Report

[64] Sandy, M. and Burger, C. 1999. Women and Minorities in Information Technology Forum: Causes and Solutions for Increasing the Numbers in the Information Technology Pipeline (The White Pages Report) NSF:Virginia.

[65] Ibid.

[66] Techies.Com. 2001. Salary Gap Smaller for Tech Women. home.techies.com.

Projections of Civilian Labor Force by Race, Sex, and Hispanic Origin, New Jersey: 1990-2015

		Census Estimates to July 1,
	4/1/90	2005	2010	2015

All Races	4,104,673	4,464,000	4,701,500	4,894,700
Male	2,219,032	2,364,300	2,445,900	2,544,000
Female	1,885,641	2,099,600	2,255,600	2,350,700

White	3,421,088	3,450,800	3,539,100	3,569,900
Male	1,880,223	1,865,200	1,882,100	1,899,500
Female	1,540,865	1,585,600	1,657,000	1,670,300

Black	528,817	663,300	716,300	755,400
Male	253,161	310,800	330,200	349,200
Female	275,656	352,500	386,100	406,100

Hispanic	374,662	618,300	736,600	868,700
Male	210,665	330,000	382,500	447,200
Female	163,997	288,300	354,200	421,500

Other Races	154,767	349,800	446,100	569,500
Male	85,648	188,300	233,600	295,300
Female	69,119	161,500	212,500	274,200

Table 2
Employed Persons by Selected Detailed Occupation, Sex, Race and Hispanic Origin, US, 2001

	Total	Percent	Percent	Percent
Occupation	Employed	Female	Black	Hispanic Origin

Building Trades
Construction Trades	6,253	2.5	7.0	17.4
Carpenters	1,486	1.7	5.2	18.3
Electricians	874	1.8	7.5	8.3
Plumbers, Pipefitters, and Steamfitters	569	1.9	5.6	13.4
Financial Services
Financial Managers	752	52.1	6.6	4.2
Accountants and Auditors	1,657	58.8	9.5	5.4
Securities and Financial Services Sales	562	29.9	6.9	4.1
Insurance Sales	582	47.4	8.1	6.0
Real Estate Sales	811	52.2	5.2	4.9
Health Care
Physicians	761	29.3	5.6	4.6
Dentists	170	19.9	4.1	3.5
Registered Nurses	2,162	93.1	9.9	3.4
Pharmacists	212	48.1	5.6	3.2
Licensed Practical Nurses	374	94.3	23.2	3.4
Law
Lawyers	929	29.3	5.1	3.1
Legal Assistants	400	83.5	9.5	10.5
Science and Technology
Engineers	2,122	10.4	5.5	3.5
Computer Systems Analysts and Scientists	1,810	27.4	8.5	3.7
Computer Programmers	646	26.6	6.2	4.8